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The Bush administration, after considerable internal debate, has decided not to take direct punitive action against Russia for its conflict with Georgia, concluding that it has little leverage if it acts unilaterally and that it would be better off pressing for a chorus of international criticism to be led by Europe.

In recent interviews, senior administration officials said the White House had concluded that American punishments like economic sanctions or blocking Russia from world trade groups would only backfire, deepening Russia's intransigence and allowing the Kremlin to narrow the regional and global implications of its invasion of Georgia to an old-fashioned Washington-Moscow dispute.

Even as they vowed to work with allies, administration officials conceded that they wished the European Union had been willing to take firmer action than issuing tepid statements criticizing Russia's conduct. But the officials said the benefits of remaining part of a united front made it prudent for the United States to accept the softer approach advocated by Italy and Germany, among other allies.

Some within the administration have argued for a more hawkish response, saying that Moscow probably intends to impose its will among independent states along its borders. They say the Kremlin is signaling to Ukraine, the Baltic nations and Poland that it is back in the game of regional hegemony, and they say it must be deterred.

In the first days of the conflict, for example, Vice President Dick Cheney reflected the view of administration hard-liners who saw Russia's offensive as justifying their skepticism and a policy that the Kremlin's actions would "not go unanswered." In his more recent comments, Cheney has stuck with the administration's emerging position of a more calibrated response.

In an interview, Defense Secretary Robert Gates described the administration as having come to a unified position that calls for "a long-term strategic approach — not one where we react tactically in a way that has negative strategic consequences."

Gates, a career Kremlinologist and former director of central intelligence, said: "We are all agreed that we need to stay very much in close collaboration with the Europeans and others. I think there is a sense that we do have the time to calibrate reactions carefully. And I think there is agreement not to take any precipitous actions. But there is also agreement on the importance of continued support for Georgia's territorial integrity."

He cautioned that "if we act too precipitously, we could be the ones who are isolated."

As part of the new strategy, President George W. Bush notified Congress on Monday that, "in view of recent actions" by Russia, he was withdrawing from consideration an agreement for civilian nuclear cooperation that he and Vladimir Putin, then Russia's president and now the prime minister, negotiated in April after years of effort. While the step was the most meaningful show of displeasure the United States has made over Russia's military action in Georgia, it also reflected a more cautious response.

The deal was all but certain to die in Congress anyway, and the agreement could be revived by the administration should Russia's behavior improve, officials said.

The issue of how to manage Russia is also playing into presidential politics. Senator John McCain, the Republican nominee, has long called for excluding Russia from the Group of 8 industrialized powers and has urged a firmer response. Senator Barack Obama, the Democratic nominee, has criticized the Kremlin's decision to go into Georgia but has made it clear that he favors more engagement.

While the United States has been cautious in moving to punish Russia, it has thrown significant support behind Georgia, including a $1 billion economic assistance package that Bush proposed last week. The aid, officials said, was to shore up Georgia's economy and to help the political standing of President Mikheil Saakashvili, the republic's battered leader.

Overall, the administration's strategy reflects a desire to defend Georgia's territorial sovereignty and its symbolic role as an emerging democracy, while not precluding cooperation with Russia on a number of important long-term national security interests, including counterterrorism, nonproliferation and efforts to halt narcotics traffic.

While the United States and Russia continue to share a number of national security interests, Gates said, "We would still like to see Russia headed toward a more constructively collaborative role in dealing with international problems — rather than throwing their food on the floor."

In other interviews, a range of senior administration officials argued that Russia is already paying a price for its actions, as foreign investors appeared to be removing or withholding assets, prompting a decline in the ruble since the Kremlin's forces crossed into Georgia. The Russian stock market has also plummeted.

By Thom Shanker and Steven Lee Myers; Source: iht.com